Global Security Governance

The attacks of September 11, 2001 and its aftermath have demonstrated the limits of an unilateral quest for security.

Non-traditional threats to security, such as those caused by environmental degradation and non-state actors are on the rise and have challenged traditional concepts of national security. And although there are many actors on the subnational, national, and regional level, a global system to address the various threats to and needs for security is more important than ever. Regional and subregional organizations notwithstanding, as the world’s most universal and legitimate entity to judge and enforce security, the UN remains a key tenet of the global peace and security architecture.

Against this backdrop, FES New York wants to strengthen the UN’s role in global security governance when dealing with particular issues, such as the disarmament and non-proliferation of nuclear weapons; the illicit trade of conventional weapons; peacekeeping operations; post conflict peace building and reconstruction.

16 March, 2012, 1:00 pm – 5:30 pm, Security Council Report, One Dag Hammarskjöld Plaza, 21st Floor, New York

This half-day long workshop that FES New York organized at the “Security Council Report” was a stock-taking exercise of the Council’s work last year.  Participating in this informal discussion under Chatham House rules were about 25 representatives from current and from previous Council members. Looking back at 2011 – a year in which the Council was unique in its composition as well as its actions – was intended to bring to the fore some of the larger challenges related to the Council’s membership, its working methods, its position within the UN system – as well as the prospects for reform of any of these issues.

Program
Summary

Katherine Prizeman
FES International Policy Analysis, March 2012

A majority of states is of the opinion that arms transfers should operate according to a common set of international standards. Hence, there is general support for negotiating an Arms Trade Treaty (ATT), set to commence in July 2012. But as this International Policy Analysis highlights, numerous still-contentious issues must be addressed regarding the ultimate objective of such a treaty. This publication analyzes the complex political hurdles towards a legally-binding ATT. Subsequently, possibilities for compromise and for the investment of political capital that are likely to increase the chances of negotiating a robust ATT are presented. Lastly, it makes the case for establishing solid processes for implementation and review beyond July 2012.
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After the end of the Cold War, the UN Security Council has increasingly deployed sanctions as a coercive tool in response to peace and security threats. This International Policy Analysis describes how sanctions have evolved from a blunt tool to a precision instrument. It also analyzes the ongoing challenges to the UN sanction regime and the need to improve the coherence among different actors, such as national governments, private sector, NGOs and regional organizations. The authors explain why targeted sanctions are not a panacea and what is needed to improve further UN sanctions regimes.

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In this new FES New York Perspective Richard Gowan argues that 2011 was ultimately a disappointing year for the UN Security Council. Although initially playing a central role in the international response to the crises in Libya and Côte d’Ivoire, the Council lost momentum as its members fell out over the Libyan war and the Syrian crisis. As the loss of credibility is viewed differently by Western and non-Western Council members, in the near future their cooperation on strengthening the Council’s capabilities for conflict prevention would be the best way to restore some faith in the Council.

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In the last two decades the international community’s toolbox for the protection of civilians from mass atrocity crimes has evolved gradually. Today, not only exists a multitude of non-coercive measures, but also a wide array of robust and coercive forms of intervention. Chapter-VII-mandated Peacekeeping missions or Mass Atrocity Response Operations (MARO) serve as vivid examples. However, a comprehensive doctrine for the implementation of civilian protection is currently not at hand, which leads, according to Robert Schütte, to sketchy mission objectives and ill prepared troop deployment. Schütte argues in favor of a comprehensive and UN-wide doctrine for the protection of civilians, which would explicitly define the role of civil and military components in protecting civilians in conflict environments.

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This FES Perspective argues that the continuing discussion about the reform of the UN Security Council should not only focus on the highly contentious issues of composition and membership. Rather, attention should be given to low-profile measure such as the overhauling of the body’s procedural practices. Colin Keating demonstrates that the improvement of the Council’s working methods could serve as a relatively quick fix for boosting the body’s overall performance. Procedural reforms appear to be a less controversial issue among Member States, and do not require any interminable amendment of the Charter. Among the first measures to be implemented are a revitalized focus on Peacebuilding, better involvement of troop-contributing countries, and the development of a proactive culture of conflict prevention.

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This FES Perspective by Angus Clarkson argues that state building to promote lasting peace for South Sudan is a long-term political process. International involvement in South Sudan faces a paradox in that constructive engagement can yield the positive outcomes it seeks only in the long-term, whereas rushed or ill-conceived engagement can do harm in the short term. The author argues that meaningful international support should appreciate the security dilemmas and political pressures of South Sudan and gauge the nature of their partnership and content of their policies toward the new state accordingly.

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Whether to admit a Palestinian State as a full member to the UN or not will be the debate to attract most attention in September. The preparations on all sides work to capacity and several different outcomes are possible. Consequences and different scenarios are hard to predict, even though the US are very likely to use their veto power.

Showdown in September? The Palestinian bid for Statehood at the United Nations by Alexander Reusche und Andreas Hackel

The 3rd PrepCom for the conclusion of an international Arms Trade Treaty was held at the UN Headquarters in New York from July 11 to July 15. Delegations discussed such topics as implementation and final provisions of the treaty on the basis of the Chairs’ (Argentinian Ambassador Moritan) Non-papers. The final treaty conference will be held in July 2012, following the 4th and last PrepCom in February 2012. If and how the Trety will be concluded remains to be seen.

Towards an Arms Trade Treaty – A path of trial and tribulation by Andrea Leiter

This new publication series of the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung (FES) wants to provide a more comprehensive picture of this key UN body by analyzing its internal dynamics, the issues on its agenda, and the efforts towards its reform. One publication discusses the role political missions play in civilian conflict management and the other two publications are dedicated to two of the current non-permanent Council members India and South Africa:

Political missions as an instrument of the UN Security Council
for civilian conflict management by Alischa Kugel

India as a Non-permanent Member of the UN Security Council in 2011-12 by Changavalli Siva Rama Murthy

South Africa as a Non-permanent Member of the UN Security Council in 2011-12 by Olivier Serrão